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 Frontera NorteSur
Apr - June 2009

 CIUDAD JUAREZ & CHIHUAHUA NEWS

FNS Special Report: “Operation Chihuahua Plus”: A Textbook Case of Drug War Failure?

More than one year after Mexican soldiers were deployed in Ciudad Juarez to combat organized crime and drug trafficking, the Calderon administration’s military strategy is in crisis. Killings continue at the same or worse rate as last year, and drugs continue circulating on both sides of the border.

Alarmed by infringements on civil liberties and human rights abuses, growing numbers of Mexican citizens are demanding the modification or curtailment of military operations on the streets. And day by day, the gulf widens between sectors of Mexican society and the Obama administration and US Congress, which are enthusiastically backing the Mexican government’s approach to the organized crime and drug problems.

On June 8, the legislative group of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in the Chihuahua State Congress approved a resolution requesting that General Felipe de Jesus Espitia Hernandez, commander of the anti-drug campaign Operation Chihuahua Together, instruct his troops to not enter private residences without a legal warrant. The PRI is the governing party in both Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua.

Citizen complaints against soldiers in Ciudad Juarez and other parts of Chihuahua have multiplied since last year. Numerous allegations of torture, murder, forced disappearance, robbery, and general mayhem have been documented by different agencies and the local press. The official
Chihuahua State Human Rights Commission is reportedly looking into 2,500 alleged torture cases involving military personnel and federal police assigned to Operation Chihuahua Together.

The National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) recently issued its first recommendations from Ciudad Juarez complaints presented in 2008. The first case involved 22 state police officers who were detained, while the second one concerned three residents of a subdivision who alleged they were robbed and treated badly by soldiers. In both instance, the CNDH recommended that victims be compensated for damages, that legal investigations be initiated, that administrative sanctions be levied against responsible parties, and that a memo be sent to military personnel reminding them to respect human rights. The CNDH’s recommendations can be accepted or rejected by recipient institutions.

Signs exist the army is beginning to hear the critics-at least partially. Quoting the Mexican Defense Ministry, the Mexico City-based Center for Journalism and Public Ethics (CEPET) reported this week that the armed forces have sanctioned five enlisted men and one officer for a June 5 incident in which El Diario photographer Jose Luis Gonzalez was pushed and hit by soldiers following a traffic accident Gonzalez was attempting to cover.  Soldiers and federal police have been blamed for numerous accidents in recent months. A second photographer, Ernesto Rodriguez of the PM newspaper, had his equipment taken by soldiers. According to CEPET, the five responsible soldiers are serving 15 days of in-house military arrest; the officer got a lighter sentence of 8 days.

Nonetheless, there is still no public word from the military hierarchy about two subsequent incidents, one on June 11 and the other last weekend, in which reporters and videographers for the Channel 44 and Channel 2 television stations, respectively, were physically prevented by soldiers
and federal police from filming the scenes of a multiple homicide at the Las Palmas Motel and the excavation of a residential property where bodies were supposedly buried.

Commenting on the recent incidents pitting soldiers against reporters, Ciudad Juarez columnist Don Mirone contended that the latest obstructions to practicing journalism follow a long series of attacks on press freedom in the borderland.

“The situation is grave,” Don Mirone wrote. “For many years, the exercise of journalism on this border has been the object of aggression by part of organized crime and by part of the same municipal and state authorities.”

The army has its defenders in Ciudad Juarez. Juan Velazquez, a prominent criminal attorney with a military background, told the local press no crime fighting alternative existed at the moment.

“Who else could be entrusted with fighting an out-of-control and ferocious delinquency like the one we have?” Velazquez responded to an interviewer.

Nationally, the Mexican army’s drug war deployment continues enjoying public support, according to the latest poll announced by the non-governmental group Mexico United against Delinquency. The group reported that 80 percent of respondents supported the use of the army against organized crime. Paradoxically, 76 percent of respondents said the overall public safety situation is worse today than one year ago, while only 48 percent considered anti-drug operations a success.

In Ciudad Juarez, soldiers are everywhere. Accompanying transit officers, who are notorious for skimming bribes from hapless drivers, heavily-armed soldiers now even act as traffic cops. Drivers and walkers entering Ciudad Juarez from neighboring El Paso, Texas, are subject to searches by Mexican soldiers stationed at international bridges, and pedestrians returning to the El Paso could be forced to endure a bag search by more Mexican soldiers who, for all intents and purposes, are now acting as US border guards.

On the US side, the Mexican military campaign is complemented by new Department of Homeland Security operations that ultimately imply questioning and searching millions of people. For example, travelers headed into Mexico on one of the international bridges could be requested to produce identification and asked questions about carrying cash and weapons  In the opposite direction, travelers headed north or west might run into a phalanx of curious US Border Patrol agents at El Paso’s Greyhound Bus Station, as well as more questioning and even dog-sniffing at checkpoints in New Mexico.

A day visitor to Ciudad Juarez could be forced to endure as many as five revisions from Mexican and US government agents before returning home. Perhaps not surprisingly, long lines await returning pedestrians at the Paso del Norte (Santa Fe) Bridge, which just celebrated a 900-day, $26 million renovation. On two recent weekend days, however, 45-minute waits were the rule even outside peak crossing times, and the number of visible inspectors, two to seven at a time, was pretty much the same number employed during much of the Bush era when crossings grew more cumbersome. On Sunday, June 14, an older woman fainted in line as temperatures outside nudged 100 degrees.

A dynamic of criminalization and militarization could be costing the border economy dearly. On a recent Sunday afternoon, formerly a popular time for visitors from the US, a mere handful of tables were occupied at the main tourist market, many shops on Avenida Juarez stood empty and a group of barmen was the only visible life inside a once-hopping tourist bar.

Mexico City and Washington decided to tighten the vise on border travel at the very same time tens of thousands of people were without work in Ciudad Juarez’s maquiladora industry and the economy sputtered and crashed.

Until now, there is little evidence the security measures implemented by the Calderon and Obama administrations are seriously undermining their stated targets: gangland violence and drug trafficking.

With nearly 800 murders tallied this year so far, the violence in Ciudad Juarez matches and will possibly even surpass the record blood-letting last year. Perhaps more posters than ever of disappeared young women (and a growing number of men, too) plaster the downtown section of the city, while a message scrawled on an exterior fence of the Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez campus, “Todos Somos Manuel,” “We are all Manuel,” cries for justice in the killing of university professor Manuel Arroyo, whose unsolved murder last month became another entry in the Hall of Impunity.

A recent story in El Diario de El Paso newspaper reported that drugs are widely available in a section of the US city known for its seedy bars and used car dealerships. According to the newspaper, $2 marijuana cigarettes and $10 cocaine hits are easily obtainable, despite notable drug seizures on the border.

“Buying and selling continue without problems,” said one purported drug retailer.

Elsewhere, drug traffickers continue to display the innovation that has characterized the business for decades. Capable of carrying 200  pounds of marijuana or cocaine, ultra-light planes that can fly low and avoid radar detection are reportedly in vogue, as are frozen shark carcasses, including the ones confiscated this week by the Mexican navy that contained nearly a ton of coke.

Interestingly, the current drug war paradigm was the object of criticism in a monograph posted last month on the website of the US Army War College’s Strategic Studies Institute. Criticizing the focus on supply-side, law-enforcement strategies promulgated by the US and Mexican governments, author Hal Brands contended that the anti-drug Merida Initiative launched by the two nations was unfolding at the expense of drug abuse prevention and treatment programs. While still supporting prohibition, Brands underscored the absence of effective anti-corruption and anti-money laundering initiatives.

Citing the failure of drug crop eradication programs in Colombia, Brands noted the persistence of poverty in Mexico, the gutting of social programs, the lack of economic and social development alternatives, and the uncontrolled rise in the cost of living south of the border as other important factors needing consideration. The drug dilemma is a complex one, Brands concluded, and a problem that requires comprehensive solutions.

Additional sources: Milenio TV, June 18, 2009. La Jornada, June 18, 2009. Article by Jesús Aranda. El Diario de El Paso, June 14, 15 and 16, 2009. Articles by Martin Orquiz, Luz del Carmen Sosa, Sandra Rodríguez Nieto, Notimex, and editorial staff.

Norte, June 14, 2009. Articles by Beatriz Corral Iglesias, Claudia Sanchez, Luis C. Ortega, and editorial staff. CEPET, June 15 and 16, 2009. Press releases. Juarez-El Paso Today, June 2009. Semanario, May 25, 2009. Article by Rodrigo Borja. Strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil

The Life and Death of Dr. Manuel Arroyo Galvan

The legacy of Dr. Manuel Arroyo Galvan was remembered in a large rally and march held June 3 in Ciudad Juarez. The 44-year-old sociology  and education professor and researcher for the Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez (UACJ) was shot to death in broad daylight in a May 29 killing that outraged a city practically numbed by more than 2,200 murders during the last 17 months.

Departing from the giant Mexican flag that overlooks the Rio Grande dividing Mexico from the US, an estimated 2,000 students, academics and community members marched through Ciudad Juarez’s bloodied streets demanding justice. They also demanded a halt to the militarization of their city, clarification of other murders and disappearances of UACJ students and faculty, an end to femicide, and a halt to threats against members of the university community.

Arroyo was well-respected as a scholar and activist who collaborated with community groups like the Independent Popular Organization and the Citizens Social Development Council. The son of a migrant family from the state of Durango, Arroyo worked in Ciudad Juarez’s maquiladora industry
before embarking on an academic and community service career.

“He was someone who was committed to analysis and the social problematic of Ciudad Juarez,” said 32-year-old graduate student Luis Lara. “This will remain for some time.”

Felix Perez, a founder of the Rio Bravo Environmentalist Alliance and an activist with the ALDEA community development organization, earlier offered a similar assessment of Arroyo’s life in comments to Frontera NorteSur.  Perez studied under Arroyo for a master’s degree.

“It’s a huge loss because we know he was a person who gave a lot. He was a very good researcher, very studious and also socially committed,” Perez said. “We think that not only was the life of a person in Ciudad Juarez extinguished, but also one of a very important person in the academic and research field. An important part of the university was destroyed.”

Arroyo was earlier honored at a June 1 ceremony held on the UACJ campus where the song “Rolling Stones” by the classic Mexican rock group Tri was played.

Like countless other slayings in Ciudad Juarez, no suspects are in custody for Arroyo’s murder and it is unclear why he was targeted. Theories include revenge for a legal complaint Arroyo reportedly filed over a stolen truck, the victim’s stumbling across sensitive information in the course of his research, and a case of mistaken identity. At the time of his murder, Arroyo was reportedly writing a book about social movements and doing research on violence in Ciudad Juarez.

“The climate of violence generated in more and more cities of our country is an inviting stew for the powers interested in silencing voices like those of Dr. Arroyo and which might act and commit unpunished acts like this one,” said a statement from faculty affiliated with El Colegio del Norte.

In addition to Arroyo, UACJ professor Gerardo Gonzalez and student Jaime Alejandro Irigoyen were murdered in recent months. Two young students, Lidia Ramos Mancha and Monica Yaneth Alanis Esparza, are missing.

Arroyo’s slaying occurred at the beginning of an especially bloody weekend that reaped dozens of murders in Ciudad Juarez, most thought to be connected to the war that continues to rage between rival drug cartels. The sound of ambulances punctuates the city on a regular basis.

Ciudad Juarez’s Lapolaka.com Internet news site proclaimed, “Rivers of Blood Irrigate the State.”

The violence is escalating in spite of the deployment of nearly 10,000 Mexican soldiers and federal police. Partly acting as US border inspectors, Mexican troops conduct random searches of people entering and exiting Ciudad Juarez, and heavily-armed units of federal police are visible careening through the streets.

“The murders don’t stop,” said a newspaper vendor who would only identify himself as Carlos. “It’s worse every day. The authorities are unable to halt the violence.”

The killing of Dr. Manuel Arroyo Galvan touched many people. Yolanda Saenz, who attended the June 3 memorial and protest march for the community scholar said her daughter went missing last July 22 and her son was murdered on November 22. “This is too much,” Saenz said. “I came to
demand justice, because nobody is doing anything.”

Hugo Almada, UACJ researcher and personal friend of Arroyo, also attended the June 3 event.  Shedding tears, Almada said the “seed” planted by his slain colleague had been a great one. “I want a place for you in heaven together with the women and men who struggled for others, for a more just and humane world,” Almada said.

Additional sources: Diario de Juarez, June 2 and 4, 2009. Articles by Sandra Rodriguez Nieto and editorial staff.  Lapolaka.com, June 1 and 3, 2009. La Jornada, May 31, 2009. Article by Ruben Villalpando.

The “Colombianization” of Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua

A high-ranking delegation of political, business and legal leaders from Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua returned to Mexico this week after completing a May 21 trip to Colombia.  The visit netted commitments by the Colombian government to train Chihuahua police and help implement
new social welfare programs.

The accords cover Colombian training of a planned Chihuahua state police group of 50 rapid response, anti-kidnapping personnel, assistance in improving police investigative and surveillance techniques and help in establishing four social welfare programs in Ciudad Juarez modeled after
similar ones developed in Medellin, Colombia. Colombian trainers for the new Chihuahua anti-kidnapping squad could be in Ciudad Juarez as early as next month.

“It will be a very interesting experience to talk with President Alvaro Uribe to find out his experiences over the course of the years,” said Chihuahua Governor Jose Reyes Baeza in the run-up to the trip.

A major Colombian product, cocaine, has played a tremendous role in shaping the history of Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua during the last 30 years.

Led by Reyes Baeza, the 31-person Mexican delegation included State Attorney General Patricia Gonzalez, Federal Congressman Octavio Fuentes, Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez Rector Jorge Quintana Silveyra, state lawmaker and Mexican Green Party (PVEM) regional leader Maria Avila Serna, businessman Luis Carlos Baeza, Ciudad Juarez Chamber of Commerce President Daniel Murguia Lardizabal, and the mayors of Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua City, among numerous others. The invited list read almost like a Who’s Who of Chihuahua society and politics.

Oddly enough, Antonia Gonzalez Acosta, the coordinator for the state attorney general office’s Chihuahua’s current anti-kidnapping unit in Ciudad Juarez, allegedly shot herself to death on the eve of the state delegation’s visit to Colombia. Gonzalez was reportedly pregnant.

In Colombia, the Mexican visitors met with President Alvaro Uribe, National Police Chief Oscar Naranjo Trujillo, Interior Minister Fabio Valencia, and Attorney General Mario Iguaran. The Chihuahua delegation also met with judges and prosecutors to discuss Colombia’s experience with
oral trials, a new legal model that is now in place in Chihuahua.

According to Ciudad Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz, Medellin-style social programs will be launched in his city with the twin goal of reducing delinquency and creating social opportunities.

“We are going to apply the programs the Colombians have in Ciudad Juarez,” Reyes said, "since the conditions in the city of Medellin are similar to this border.”

Split among the municipal, state and federal governments, the programs will cost about $4.5 million, Reyes said, but did not immediately offer other details. The border mayor said he invited his counterpart from Medellin to visit Ciudad Juarez.

Coming at a time of economic depression and an immediate budget deficit of nearly $7 million for Ciudad Juarez alone, the costs of the Colombia trip were questioned by local reporters and some members of the public.

Writing for the Lapolaka news website, Eduardo Salmeron warned of corruption tainting the new training program.

“It scares me to think they continue importing models that correspond to other realities and try to implement them in our contexts,” Salmeron wrote. “What guarantee are we going to have that this group won’t contaminate a structure which is full of vice?”

Earlier taking exception to the cost issue, Governor Reyes Baeza said the expenses, which were paid by trip participants or their employers, will reap many benefits in greater security. The Colombians, he said, are offering their services for “practically free,” with the Mexicans expected
to pay nominal transportation and lodging costs. According to the Chihuahua governor, local members of the new anti-kidnapping group will be carefully selected.

An important issue not raised by the Chihuahua press was the relationship between human rights and security training. The Colombian government’s human rights record has been repeatedly criticized by international rights organizations like Amnesty International.

The Chihuahua-Colombia agreements fit in with a growing synchronicity between the conservative Calderon and Uribe administrations on important economic, political and security issues in a hemisphere that is titling to the left. Together with the Peruvian government of Alan Garcia, the
Calderon and Uribe administrations are vocal defenders of a free trade model that has fallen into disrepute in much of Latin America.

On a geo-political scale, the Chihuahua-Colombia accords complement the anti-drug, US-Mexico Merida Initiative that will provide hundreds of millions of US dollars in security and military aid to the Calderon administration

Politically, the Mexico City-Bogota connection was evident last week when the Mexican government expelled a Colombian sociologist, Miguel Angel Beltran, who was accused by Bogota of being an important member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)

The growing Mexico-Colombia cooperation is viewed with suspicion by the Mexican left. Among the sore points is the Colombian army’s sneak attack on a FARC encampment in Ecuador last year that killed guerrilla leader Raul Reyes and 24 others, including four young Mexican visitors who were ostensibly researching the FARC for academic purposes.

A fifth Mexican national, National Autonomous University of Mexico student Lucia Moret, survived the attack and was given temporary asylum in Nicaragua before returning to Mexico. Moret currently faces prosecution in an Ecuadoran court for infringing on the country’s national security.

The March 2008 attack on the FARC encampment led Ecuador and Venezuela to break diplomatic relations with Colombia, and even threatened to erupt into a regional war.

The Chihuahua-Colombia alliance unfolds amid a rise in kidnappings in Ciudad Juarez and other parts of Chihuahua. Kidnappings have sparked multiple political crises for the state government in recent weeks.
Earlier this month, hundreds of members of the Mormon and Mennonite communities of northwestern Chihuahua camped out for days in front of the Governor’s office in Chihuahua City to protest the kidnapping-for-ransom of 16-year-old Eric LeBaron, who was later freed unharmed.

On May 19, hundreds of residents of Ascension, an agricultural municipality located south of the New Mexico border, occupied the town hall to demand the deployment of the army and other actions directed against kidnappers and violent criminals.

“There are not 3 or 5 or 20 kidnappings” said Alfredo Frias Reyes, municipal government secretary. “We are more than 20,000 people who have been sequestered and we cannot continue like this.”

Like Ciudad Juarez, shop owners in Ascension are putting up their businesses for sale or trying to rent out storefronts. Residents are reportedly fleeing to the United States and other parts of  Chihuahua. Following the Ascension protest, the Mexican army and Chihuahua state police increased patrols in the zone.

Sources: Norte, May 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 2009. Articles by Arturo Chacon, Ricardo Espinoza,  Francisco Lujan, Herika Martinez Prado, Felix Gonzalez, and editorial staff. El Universal, May 24, 2009. Frontenet.com, May 20, 22, 26, 2009. Articles by Sergio Valdez, Maribel Alba and Arturo
Carrillo. El Diario de Juarez, May 10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 2009. Articles by Carlos Hernandez M. and editorial staff. La Jornada, May 24, 2009. Editorial. Lapolaka.com, May 6, 21, 23, 25, 26, 2009. Proceso/Apro, May 14, 2009. Article by Sara Lovera.

Reclaiming the Legacy of Cesar Chavez

The spirit of legendary farm labor leader Cesar Chavez was alive on the streets of El Paso, Texas, this past weekend. Led by a tight contingent of Mexica dancers, a couple hundred marchers filed by the struggling businesses, open air markets and old apartment buildings of downtown El Paso and the historic Segundo Barrio neighborhood.

Former farmworkers, immigrant rights advocates, environmental activists and others turned out for the April 25 event that honored the co-founder of the United Farm Workers of America, who passed away in April 1993. El Paso mayoral candidate Carlos Rivera also showed up to throw in his support for the cause.

Garnering ample public attention, and a blessing of holy water from the priest in front of the Sacred Heart Church, marchers sang “La Guadalupana” and demanded justice. “Viva Cesar Chavez” and “Listen, Obama, We Continue in Struggle,” were two of the most popular chants that broke the balmy day.

Although Cesar Chavez celebrations have become common-and even institutionalized-in parts of the United States in recent years, the 2009 El Paso event had particular political significance, said Carlos Marentes, march co-organizer and long-time leader of the El Paso-based Sin Fronteras
Organizing Project and affiliated groups.

“(Chavez) dedicated his life to fighting for the rights of working people, especially agricultural workers,” Marentes said.

In an interview with Frontera NorteSur, Marentes said the life of Cesar Chavez was an important “reference” point during a time when violence, poverty, unemployment, climate change, and food and energy crises define the landscape.

In Ciudad Juarez just across the Rio Grande from El Paso, tens of thousands of people have lost their jobs in the export assembly industry since last year. More than two thousand people have been killed in a bloody narco war, and Mexican soldiers patrol the boulevards, search homes
and stop people on the streets. A new US-built border wall obscures the view of the Mexican city from its sister city of El Paso, and long lines of Juarenses endure lengthy US security checks to enter this country to shop, visit relatives or go to school or work.

Analyzing the current political-economic juncture, Marentes took issue with the new administration of President Barack Obama on several fronts, including the expansion of the Afghan war, support for the North American Free Trade Agreement, fudging on the torture/human rights issue, and
backing the Mexican government’s military strategy to fight drug trafficking. The US public voted for a new direction last November, but little real change of course has emerged from Washington, Marentes contended.

"If there is going to be change in this country, the change has to be from the people,” Marentes insisted. “That’s the significance of us marching.”

Present for the Cesar Chavez commemoration, El Paso resident Rudy Valdez was another man seeking changes from President Obama and Mexican President Felipe Calderon.

Employed as a Mexican contract farmworker in the old Bracero Program, the 73-year-old Valdez worked on farms in Texas, New Mexico and Colorado during the late 1950s. Valdez demanded compensation for paycheck withholdings that were made decades ago but never paid back to the Mexican workers after the Bracero Program was terminated in 1964.

After years of mass protests in Mexico and the US, the Mexican government agreed to make modest payments to ex-braceros, but Valdez said many elderly, ex-farmworkers originally from the state of Chihuahua have yet to receive a cent. Valdez said he’d written President Obama twice during the last couple months to force action on the issue.

“I’m asking Mr. Obama, please, please, send us money,” Valdez pleaded.

In a post-parade talk at the Border Agricultural Workers Center near the Rio Grande, Marentes urged the people gathered to attend another event, the May 1 grand opening of Centro Mayapan in south-central El Paso.

Scheduled for International Workers Day, the event is planned as the official inauguration of a grassroots economic development project launched by La Mujer Obrera, an organization of women garment workers who lost their jobs in the waves of trade liberalization that all but
destroyed a once-important El Paso industry after the 1980s.

“Giving more money, more resources to the thieves of Wall Street and the greedy CEOs of the corporations responsible in the first place for the economic crisis will not solve the problem,” Marentes later told Frontera NorteSur. “So Mujer Obrera, by opening Mercado Mayapan, is showing us, the border community and the people, it's up to us to build another economic
system.”

Located in a sprawling, refurbished warehouse, Centro Mayapan will accommodate fair trade projects and small locally-owned businesses, as well as offer space for myriad community events and a museum.

As the April 25 El Paso march wound down with music and chow at the farmworker center, a crowd heard El Paso author Toni Beatriz Fuentes read poems about two pillars of Mexicano-Chicano culture: Our Lady of Guadalupe and Cesar Chavez.

In an interview following the reading, Fuentes described growing up in El Paso’s rural Lower Valley, a place where cotton fields, watermelon patches and wildflowers dominated the scenery instead of the subdivisions and trailer homes of today. For Fuentes, Cesar Chavez represented a
land-based, “pure” life free of the of the “city violence” and related problems of contemporary times.

“I love El Paso, I love my country. This is a side of us that few people know about,” Fuentes reflected. “Like Cesar Chavez, we love that part of us that belongs to the humble people, to the Mexican-American, to the Chicano, to the Mexicano, to the American. Yes, we’re all that put
together.”

-Kent Paterson

Focus on Teen Pregnancy, Healthy Lifestyles

Health promoters and educators are ratcheting up campaigns to prevent teen pregnancy and other at-risk behaviors in Ciudad Juarez and other parts of the state of Chihuahua. Brenda Ibarra, Ciudad Juarez coordinator for the Chihuahua state health department, said an upcoming education campaign will build more awareness among the teen population.

“The goal is to prevent,” Ibarra said, “and teach middle school and high school students that they should protect their health in order to avoid unwanted pregnancies or some kind of addition.”

Mothers below 18 years of age account for 41 percent of the estimated 25-28,000 babies born each year in Ciudad Juarez alone, said Guadalupe Medina, reproductive health coordinator for the Chihuahua state government. A recent study by Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS)
doctors reported that on average Ciudad Juarez females initiate sexual activity at 13 years of age, while males usually begin at 15 years of age.

According to the study, only 18.85 percent of adolescents reported learning about sex from their parents. Most respondents, or 40.85 percent, heard about sex from friends, while 36 percent learned about it from teachers. No further details of the study were reported.

Ciudad Juarez health authorities warn that premature sexual activity increases the risk of sexually transmitted diseases, and enhances the possibility for physical complications in adolescent mothers and their babies. Unidentified IMSS doctors urged more systematic sex education in public schools, an issue which is a touchy subject in Mexico.

The Chihuahua Secretariat of Education and Culture and state Integral Family Development (DIF) agency jointly sponsor a “virtual baby” program in some schools. Like similar initiatives in the United States, the Chihuahua program consists of giving adolescent females dolls to lug around school every day. Containing electronic chips, the “babies” periodically cry and demand attention in a simulation of the real situation mothers face.

Sources: Norte, April 14, 2009. Article by Pablo Hernandez Batista. El Diario de Juarez, April 13, 2009. Pedro Sanchez Briones.

Singing the Border Business Blues

Shine manager Ana Gonzalez leaned behind the counter of a virtually deserted store in a virtually abandoned shopping mall. A five-year veteran of the women’s apparel establishment and other stores at El Paso’s Sunland Park Mall, Gonzalez said sales were abysmal. “This is the worst I’ve seen it,” Gonzalez lamented. Even weekends, when the cash register rings up much more action, is “not like it used to be,” Gonzalez said, with a hint of nostalgia.

On a recent weekday inside the mall, signs offering cut-rate deals spruced more than a few storefronts, while a dentistry business advertised a teeth-whitening special for $69. Gazing down at the quiet walkways, the Mervyn’s outlet stood vanquished as yet another casualty of a national and international crisis. Recession or no recession, looks still count big: the busiest action unfolded at a beauty store where several women were getting their nails polished up.

Like Gonzalez, Dippin’ Dots branch manager Lizha Quezada has watched business slow to a crawl since last fall. Interviewed by Frontera NorteSur during the usually busy lunch hour, Quezada said she had helped only five customers at the yoghurt-ice cream stand in a one-hour period, a business pace far weaker than the normal flow of 15-20 customers who typically show up for a sweet fix.

A roving company employee, Quezada blamed the business downturn on a shortage of US-resident customers at the Sunland Park Mall as well as huge loss of Mexican customers at the Bassett and Cielo Vista malls where the young manager also puts in time. Many El Paso merchants have long been dependent on sales to visitors from Ciudad Juarez and other parts of the state of Chihuahua.

Enjoying 10 years in the El Paso retail business, Quezada estimated there were 35 percent less customers coming from Ciudad Juarez today than just several months ago. Normally enjoying a 20 percent annual increase in sales, Quezada said the numbers this year were tumbling into the negative side of the ledger so far.

Border crossing statistics recently reported in the maquiladora trade industry journal Juarez-El Paso Now showed a major drop in northbound traffic beginning in 2008. According to the publication, semi-trailer crossings dropped from 782,369 in 2007 to 758,856 in 2008, while other vehicular traffic plummeted from 5,837,570 vehicles two years ago to 5,344,828 in 2008.

For better or worse, the twin cities of El Paso and Ciudad Juarez are bound together by an economic umbilical cord. Spreading from Wall Street, the economic meltdown has scalded Ciudad Juarez’s export assembly industry that supplies all manner of goodies and gadgets to the United States and other foreign nations.

Citing Mexican government statistics, Juarez-El Paso Now reported at least 48,800 Juarenses lost their jobs in 2008. The Texas city’s official unemployment rate, meanwhile, shot up from 5.7 percent in February 2008 to 8.2 percent in February 2009, a jobless percentage which was nevertheless below the national average of 8.9 percent for the same month. Altogether, an estimated 24,600 El Pasoans went without work last month.

Complicating the current business scene is the latest Mexican peso devaluation. For those Juarenses still lucky enough to have income to spend in El Paso, prices are 40-50 percent higher than they were before last October.

Local businesses are responding in different ways to the crisis. Situated just across the New Mexico state line from El Paso, the Western Playland entertainment center is advertising one-dollar rides to attract fun-loving families. Red Lobster and other eateries are offering two-for-one dinner specials to lure diners. Also located a stone’s throw from El Paso, the Sunland Park Racetrack and Casino in New Mexico has implemented an obvious cost-savings measure. Perhaps to the consternation of gluttons, the casino’s all-you-can eat buffet has replaced its generously wide dishes with little blue ones that resemble hospital cafeteria plates.

Not everyone is singing the blues in this borderland. In the area surrounding the University of Texas at El Paso, where building improvements are underway, a new bank along with a smattering of new restaurants and bars have opened their doors for business. A turnout of 27,000 screaming fans to the university’s famed Sunbowl for a March 25 match between two professional Mexican soccer clubs bode well for future events of a similar caliber.

In July, El Paso will benefit from the opening of a new medical school. Additionally, anywhere from $ 3.7 to $4.4 billion will be directly pumped into the local economy from the expansion of Fort Bliss to a post hosting 37,000 soldiers by 2012.

Paradoxically, Fort Bliss’s expansion could touch off other economic troubles. Slashing spending, the Department of Defense reduced from 7,000 to 4,000 the number of new houses slated for construction on the base The move triggered predictions by some observers in the real estate and construction industries of a housing shortage of 4,800 units and an accompanying inflationary rental market unleashed by the summer of 2010.

A mismatch exists between El Paso’s low incomes and the desires of housing developers to make a profit. “Our median incomes here are just so low,” Tropicana Building Corporation President Booby Bowling, Jr. told a local publication. “And it is too much of a shock at once. The market needs time to react.”

Currently, El Paso’s municipal economic development department is working on a proposal to encourage more rental construction.

Hauled by truck down a crowded street on a recent day, the old sign for the Warren Apartments that advertised $382 monthly rents and that was headed for whereabouts unknown could have been an omen for things to come in the rental market.

Some detect opportunities amidst the economic crisis. Emerging from her office at the Sunland Park Mall, Adriana Provencio took time to explain the nature of her new business. Provencio represents Ciudad Juarez’s Medical Specialties Center (CME), an organization of 150 doctors in Ciudad Juarez that operates a hospital conveniently located near an international bridge connecting to El Paso.

Formally opened last December, the CME office in Sunland Park Mall is the physicians organization’s first concerted attempt at promoting medical tourism.

“I hope medical tourism gets really big,” Provencio said. ”It is in now. People are going to India and Thailand.”

Depending on the procedure or treatment, physicians’ fees in Ciudad Juarez vary, but Provencio calculated US patients generally pay about one-third the price in Mexico than for the comparable service in the US. Ranging the field from family doctors to specialists, Ciudad Juarez’s physicians are highly qualified to address the broad spectrum of health maladies and heal a variety of ailments,

Provencio said. “The only one we don’t have is psychiatry,” the sales representative added. Provencio said the CME is especially interested in recruiting new patients from the large pool of uninsured people in the 18 to 64-year-old age bracket. Offering same-day service, the organization plans to provide transportation from the Sunland Park Mall to Ciudad Juarez soon, Provencio stressed.

Provencio acknowledged that recent outbreaks of narco-violence have scared off potential patients from the US, but she insisted the CME hospital was in a secure location. “Violence doesn’t impact us, because it’s mainly bars and restaurants getting hit,” Provencio said.

If the narco-violence continues on the downward spiral it has entered since the large-scale deployment of army troops on Ciudad Juarez’s streets last month, Provencio and the CME will be ready to tap into a ripe market.

A recent study by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation showcased New Mexico and Texas as Numero Uno and Numero Dos, respectively, of states with the largest number of workers with no health insurance. What’s worse, the report covered the years 2006-07- long before thousands of new pink slips greeted the eyes of many borderland workers.

Additional sources: El Diario de El Paso, March 25, 26 and 27, 2009. Articles by Nancy Gonzalez, Ivan Alejandro Rodriguez and the Associated Press. KDBC (El Paso), March 26, 2009. El Paso, Inc. March 22-28, 2009. Article by Robert Gray. Prospector (UTEP), March 26, 2009. Article by Herman Rojas. Juarez-El Paso Now, March 2009. Articles by Sergio Ornelas and Ramon Salcido. Office of state Senator Eliot Shapleigh, March 12, 2009. Press release.

Ciudad Juarez Militarized

In an operation reminiscent of the US military surge in Iraq two years ago, thousands of Mexican soldiers and federal police are swarming the streets of Ciudad Juarez. On a recent day, small convoys of troops were readily visible patrolling streets where countless “For Sale” or “For Rent” signs dominate public space. Other groups of soldiers, meanwhile, searched vans and SUVs entering the city from El Paso, Texas, or meticulously ran their fingers through the baggage of every arriving and departing passenger at the main bus station.

In a scene symbolic of Mexico’s multi-layered socio-political mosaic, a squad of federal police with riot shields stood on one side of the international Bridge of Americas as dozens of street vendors, including colorfully-dressed Raramuri indigenous migrants expelled from their Chihuahua mountain homeland by the triple plague of drought, poverty and violence, joined windshield washers and car buffers trying to goad motorists into handing over pesos, flimsy notes of a currency which has lost 50 percent of its value since last fall..

The Ciudad Juarez surge was formalized at a February 25 meeting attended by Mexico’s National Security Council in addition to state and local government representatives. The official rationale behind the action was, of course,  the unprecedented violence tied to the border city’s war between competing crime gangs. February, in particular, cut a bloody trail.. A record body count of 231 victims was reported by the end of a month that is sometimes called in Mexico “Crazy February”, anyway..

In response to the public safety crisis, the Mexican government’s Joint Operation Chihuahua plans to deploy a total of 8,500 army troops and 2,300 federal officers in Ciudad Juarez, ultimately bringing the combined number of security personnel stationed in the violence-wracked city of 1.3
million people to about 12,000.

Beyond simple numbers, an important distinction exists between this year’s troop deployment and a similar but smaller one last year, when 2,500 soldiers were dispatched to Ciudad Juarez ostensibly to control the burgeoning narco-violence, which only worsened after the army’s entry onto the scene.

Unlike in 2008, the Mexican military will be given authority over the local police department, the municipal commerce department and the troubled state prison on the outskirts of Ciudad Juarez, where 21 prisoners were killed by fellow inmates in a premeditated March 4 murder spree that likely happened with the collusion of prison authorities.

Military personnel could also be assigned the task of rooting out the extortion and kidnapping rings which have proliferated since the always- iffy public safety situation in Ciudad Juarez nevertheless took a sharp turn for the worse beginning fourteen months ago.

On Monday, March 16, 2009, Ciudad Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz publicly named several retired or active-duty military officials who will be in charge of security in the city.  A former army man, Roberto Orduna, served as a previous police chief but resigned last February 20 after reportedly receiving threats from presumed drug traffickers.

A former commander of the army garrison in Parral, Chihuahua, retired General Julian David Rivera Breton, will be Ciudad Juarez’s new public safety chief. General Rivera also served in the states of Sinaloa, Sonora, Hidalgo, and Veracruz. Infantry Colonel Alfonso Cristobal Garcia Melgar, meanwhile, will steer the municipal police department.

The Public Speaks Out

Given the depth of the public safety crisis, many residents of Ciudad Juarez initially applauded the surge. Arturo Valenzuela Zorrilla, secretary of a local organization of health care professionals, said the extra troop presence was a “necessary” measure because of the emergency situation confronting his city. The military’s visibility, Valenzuela argued, gave the citizenry a special chance to “come together, organize ourselves and make Juarez different.”

Taxi driver Javier Hernandez offered a mixed assessment of the surge. “I have confidence in the soldiers that stop and search you,” Hernandez said, “but the federal police made me pay 200 pesos for not carrying identification and wanted to take away the car. ”

On March 12, top Chihuahua state and Ciudad Juarez officials met with business and religious leaders who belong to the citizens’ council of Joint Operation Chihuahua, including  maquiladora industry founder Jaime Bermudez.

Also in attendance was President Felipe Calderon’s national security advisor, Jorge Enrique Tello Peon, who served as head of Mexico’s equivalent of the CIA during the administration of former President Ernesto Zedillo in the 1990s.

Meeting participant Daniel Murguia Lardizibal, president of the Ciudad Juarez Chamber of Commerce, was optimistic of the surge’s potential for restoring order to a crisis-ridden city. Only days into the deployment, the atmosphere on the streets was noticeably different, Murguia said.
Restaurants and commercial centers- public places where shootings and kidnappings have been common since last year- witnessed more customers on a recent weekend, he added.

Molly Molloy, a New Mexico State University librarian who carefully monitors press stories for her Frontera news service, reported the murder rate in Ciudad Juarez averaged two homicides per day during the first two weeks of March, a dramatic drop from last month’s toll, excepting the mass
slaughter at the prison.

Frequent government-sponsored television spots tout Operation Joint Chihuahua, detailing reported drug and weapons seizures.

But prominent social activists are criticizing the militarization as an elite exercise in attempting to resolve a crisis at the point of a gun while marginalizing broader, popular input and missing an opportunity to tackle varied facets of complex social problems.

“A serious plan has to be made in coordination with the Juarez community, something specific and having to do with security plans,” said Cirpriana Jurado of the Worker Research and Solidarity Center. “There are many examples from other countries of preventing such public insecurity.”

No timetable has been announced for the duration of the military occupation of Ciudad Juarez’s streets.

In a press conference almost one year ago, Mexican security czar Genaro Garcia Luna said a possibility existed the military could be withdrawn from its law enforcement functions by the end of 2008 or the beginning of 2009. As the spring of 2009 fast dawns, the Mexican government is banking on the army more than ever.

Enrique Torres, spokesman for Joint Operation Chihuahua, told the Albuquerque Journal the troops would stay until the cartels are “exterminated.”

On the streets, however, few Mexicans agree that the government will ever truly succeed in stamping out the narco business.

Where Does the Surge End?

The Ciudad Juarez surge is front-page news in both Mexico and the US. Especially omitted from US stories is the issue of the operation’s illegality under current Mexican law. The nation’s constitution does not allow military personnel to act outside their bases during peacetime or
permit soldiers to assume civilian functions like running police departments.

Mexican legislators are quite aware of the legal conflict, but many argue the extreme violence of the narco war coupled with rampant police corruption leaves the country no choice but to turn to the military.

In 2008, for instance, the Mexico City daily Reforma’s news agency reported the army and Federal Police initiated legal actions against 752 police officers suspected of involvement with the narco underworld in 16 states. The state of Mexico, which has served as a recruiting ground for
Ciudad Juarez police officials and officers in the past, led the naughty list with 536 municipal and state police officers implicated in criminal violations.

In a ceremony outside Mexico City last month, President Felipe Calderon extolled the armed forces as an essential institution that will guarantee the triumph of moral values. Yet many analysts concur that the more the military becomes involved in enforcing drug laws and waging war against organized crime, the more susceptible it becomes to falling prey to the very corruption it is supposed to counter. Indeed, previous instances of narco-induced military corruption abound.

In the latest scandal to touch the army, 12 active-duty soldiers were quietly picked up early this month in the central state of Aguascalientes and accused of working on behalf of the notorious Zetas gang.

Signs are emerging that the Calderon administration’s anti-drug offensive, which has dragged on for more than two years even as Mexico has witnessed more than 10,000 slayings connected to narco violence, is beginning to tug at the armed forces.

In unusual comments last month which were not followed up by the press, Mexican General Ramon Mota Sanchez urged the federal government to speed up the establishment of reliable, clean police forces so soldiers can return to their barracks-at least the medium-term.

Columnist Jorge Luis Sierra, a veteran analyst of military affairs, recently described how soldiers are increasingly becoming the targets of violence as well as the alleged perpetrators of human rights violations.

“It is necessary to honor the fallen soldiers and at the same time prosecute the ones responsible for abuses committed,” Sierra wrote.

Recent reports from both the official National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) and the non-governmental Miguel Agustin Pro Juarez Human Rights Center (PRODH) have documented alleged human rights violations committed by the armed forces during the course of the drug war in Ciudad Juarez and elsewhere in Mexico.

Nationwide, the CNDH processed 1,602 complaints against soldiers from January 1, 2007 to December 31, 2008. In at least eight cases, the CNDH documented instances of illegal detention, torture and excessive use of force.

In a separate study, the PRODH found that civilian law enforcement authorities turned over 500 legal complaints against soldiers to military officials for possible prosecution between January 2006 and November 2008. In Mexico, crimes and human rights violations allegedly committed by
soldiers are usually investigated by the military itself.

The PRODH’s study discovered that initial legal actions were taken in about one third of the referred cases, resulting in a grand total of 11 prosecutions.

Rising concerns over military impunity and human rights violations prompted the Mexican Senate to pass a resolution March 5 appealing on the army to cooperate with the CNDH in fomenting a “solid culture for the respect of human rights.”

In Ciudad Juarez, it was announced this month military representatives will receive human rights training at the Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez. On a similar note, the offices of Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz and two city council representatives, Leopoldo Canizales Saenz and Gustavo Munoz Hepo, announced they will accept citizen complaints against personnel attached to Joint Operation Chihuahua.

Others continued to express worry at the sight of soldiers in the streets.

The Mexico City-based PRODH, for example, said the military deployments in Ciudad Juarez and other regions of Mexico carry far-reaching political ramifications. During the Calderon administration, “civilian controls over military power have disappeared,” the group charged. In an era when Latin American military governments are a relic of the past, “military involvement in (Mexican) civil life blocks the road to democratization,” the human rights organization warned.

Additional sources: Univision, March 16, 2009. Norte, March 15, 2009. El Diario de Juarez, March 15, 2009. Lapolaka.com, March 15 and 16, 2009. Albuquerque Journal, March 15, 2009. El Diario de El Paso, March 13 and 14, 2009. Articles by  Horacio Carrasco Soto, Martin Orquiz and Blanca Carmona. Channel 44 (Ciudad Juarez), March 12, 2009.

La Jornada, March 4, 6, 8, 10, 2009. Articles by Andrea Becerril, Gabriel Leon Zaragoza, Victor Ballinas, and correspondents.  Proceso, March 8, 2009. Articles by Jorge Carrasco Araizaga and Marcela Turati. Tribuna Libre, March 5, 2009. Article by Alfonso Morales Castorena. El Sur/Agencia Reforma, February 5, 2009. Agencia Reforma, January 7, 2009. Article by Veronica Sanchez. El Universal, December 27, 2008. Article by Jorge Luis Sierra.

Femicides on the Big Screen Again

Directed by Carlos Carrera (“The Crime of Padre Amaro”) and written by Sabina Berman, the Mexican-produced film “Backyard” is the latest fictionalized story of the Ciudad Juarez femicides to hit the big screen. Distributed by Paramount Pictures and first showing February 20 in the major Cinepolis chain of theaters scattered across Mexico, the movie begins in the Ciudad Juarez colonia of Lomas de Poleo where the bodies of at least 8 women were discovered during the 1990s. A haunting scene in which police recover the remains of yet another brutally murdered woman sets the tone and pace of the gritty imagery that follows.

Filmed in Ciudad Juarez and neighboring El Paso, Texas, “Backyard” is set in the 1990s during the governorship of Francisco Barrio, who is Mexico’s new ambassador to Canada. Barrio’s response to the femicides, which first became public during his administration thanks to the efforts of activists
like Esther Chavez Cano and Vicky Caraveo, has been highly criticized. The issue is even following Barrio to his new post in Canada, where the Quebec Federation of Women and other organizations sent a letter to their government this month questioning the former Chihuahua governor’s appointment.

“Backyard” establishes the femicides within the bigger context of the global assembly line, migration from southern Mexico to the northern borderlands, deep-rooted gender violence and a dangerous proximity to a consumer wonderland that harkens back to dictator Porfirio Diaz’s oft-quoted lament of a Mexico “so far from God and so close to the USA.”

According to script-writer and co-producer Berman, the English name of the Spanish-language film derives from Ciudad Juarez’s “pocho” culture in addition to its socio-economic function as a dumping ground for junk cars, second-hand clothes and sex perverts from the US. Viewers are visually swallowed by a scene displaying the giant used tire pile on the outskirts of Ciudad Juarez which, if set afire, would blaze environmental catastrophe across the borderlands.

In its theme, message and plot, “Backyard” bears many similarities with the ill-fated, 2005 Hollywood production “Bordertown” starring Jennifer Lopez and Antonio Banderas. In both films, an outsider arrives in Ciudad Juarez to investigate the women’s murders only to stumble across
corruption, complicity and cowardice.

Masterfully played by Mexican actress Ana de la Reguera, “Backyard’s heroine is a state policewoman, Blanca Bravo, who sets about fearlessly hunting down the multiple killers of women. In Spanish, “bravo” means brave or aggressive. Prodding along the conscience of Blanca Bravo is a
woman who uncannily resembles prominent women’s advocate Esther Chavez Cano.

Unfortunately, no Blanca Bravo existed in the real-life saga of the Ciudad Juarez femicides.

In “Backyard,” Bravo gets a rude wake-up call when she realizes evidence is being fabricated to frame “The Egyptian” for a string of murders. “The Egyptian” was, of course, Abdul Latif Sharif Sharif, who rotted to death in a Chihuahua prison after being incarcerated for crimes he vowed he did not commit.

A major sub-plot revolves around Juanita, an indigenous young migrant from southern Mexico who arrives wide-eyed to Ciudad Juarez only to experience something far different than she could have possibly ever imagined. Portrayed handsomely by actress Asur Zagada, Juanita is like thousands of
young women who entered the export assembly industry in its boom years. An important character is interpreted by US actor Jimmy Smits, who plays an El Paso businessman and family man with a very disturbing side.

Although maquiladora workers have accounted for a minority of Ciudad Juarez’s femicide victims, “Backyard” mimics “Bordertown” by zeroing in on the industry. In a chillingly cold scene, foreign businessmen calculate how much a woman’s life is worth in dollars and cents in Mexico, China,
Bangladesh, and Thailand. Press freedom and responsibility, another important issue of the times, is examined when the Governor of Chihuahua castigates the media for giving Ciudad Juarez a bad name and supposedly driving away tourists. “What tourists?” asks a bewildered reporter.

Like “Bordertown,” the makers of “Backyard” reportedly suffered threats while filming in Ciudad Juarez and even suspended production until security was guaranteed. Unlike “Bordertown,” however, the producers of “Backyard,” enjoyed high-level support in Mexico.

Backing for the movie came from the non-profit Mexican Institute of Cinematography, Carlos Slim’s Grupo Inbursa and the Coppel department store chain. Interestingly, the film credits mention the city and state governments of Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, including the state attorney
general’s office long blamed for bungling and/or covering up numerous femicide investigations. Perhaps finally, through the fantasy personage of Blanca Bravo, pangs of guilt and confession dribble from the consciences of Chihuahua police officers who were in the know but did not or could not stop the rapes and murders.

Never genuinely prosecuted, the Ciudad Juarez femicides became institutionalized in the border city and soon extended across Mexico. Amid a backdrop of impunity, a final and sure-to-be controversial scene in “Backyard” depicts a solution to the murders an increasing number of
people are advocating.

Flashing a gallery of images and places where women’s killings have tarnished the earth, Backyard” reminds its viewers that femicide is a global problem.

The same week “Backyard” opened in Mexico, police were digging up the remains of at least 11 people in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Law enforcement authorities have so far identified two of the victims as women who were on a list of at least two dozen women quietly reported missing in recent
years.

Unearthed by a random hiker rather than by systematic police investigation, the discoveries on Albuquerque’s West Mesa plant another flag of femicide on El Camino Real, the old Royal Highway of Spanish conquistadors. Today’s El Camino Real is marked by the killings of women
that begin in and around Mexico City, move north to Chihuaha City, cut through the heart of the Paso Del Norte, stain the desert of Las Cruces and then continue north again.

As in Ciudad Juarez, no major investigation was initially launched into the disappearance of women in Albuquerque. And as in Ciudad Juarez, Duke City authorities were seemingly too busy wooing outside investors, gentrifying low-income neighborhoods, beautifying medians, building plush
new government offices and monuments, and chasing seat-belt law violators and curfew-breaking teens to take much notice of scores of missing women. After all, whether in the US or Mexico, femicide victims were just poor souls with no voice.

Ultimately, “Backyard” is about ethics, said script-writer Berman in a recent interview aired on Mexican television. “When people leave the theater, their sense of right or wrong will be strengthened,” Berman assured the interviewer.

Whatever impact “Backyard” eventually will have is hard to say, but movie-goers at a recent showing in Mexico left the theater speechless.

Additional sources: Toronto Sun, February 26, 2009. Koat.com, February 25, 2009. Associated Press, February 24, 2009. Article by Maggie Shepard. Milenio TV, February 22, 2009. La Cronica de Hoy, February 20, 2009. Cimacnoticias.com, Feburary 19, 2009. Filmweb.net, October 21, 2008. Revistaletrasymas.blogspot.com, July 10, 2008. Allbiz.com/Hollywood
Reporter, July 1, 2008. Article by John Hecht.

The Kidnap Data Base Scandal

In the United States, identity theft can lead to nightmares with credit card companies and other institutions. In the state of Chihuahua, Mexico, it could mean disappearance and worse. At least that’s the implication of the arrest of two men by the Mexican army in Ciudad Juarez late last week.

According to the Chihuahua state attorney general’s office (PGJE), the two suspects, Leopoldo
Sanchez Medina and Marco Rico Gonzalez, were in possession of a compact disc that contained the names, addresses, phone numbers and birth dates of hundreds of thousands of Chihuahua residents. The same information is available on a website and through an e-mail address, the PGJE said.

Sanchez and Rico were picked up by Mexican soldiers after an alleged kidnap victim escaped and alerted an army patrol to the whereabouts of a safe house where the two men were detained. In addition to the CD data base, Sanchez and Rico Gonzalez were allegedly busted with drugs, weapons and ammunition. According to one media account, one of the arrested men might be a US citizen.

El Diario de Juarez newspaper reported that Leopoldo Sanchez claimed he is the brother of former Chihuahua state policeman Ramon Alberto Sanchez Medina, who was arrested in connection with the notorious “House of Death” case in 2004. Together with 12 other state cops, Sanchez was charged with crimes after the bodies of a dozen men, tortured and killed by drug lords with the complicity of an Immigration Customs and Enforcement agent, were discovered buried in graves in the backyard of a home in the middle-class Ciudad Juarez neighborhood of Las Acequias.

Exonerated of legal charges in 2008, Ramon Sanchez denies any involvement in the murders and proclaims his innocence. The former officer reportedly now works for a customs brokerage firm.

It’s not yet clear how far and wide the information on the CD confiscated from Leopoldo Sanchez and Rico Gonzalez could have traveled. Pirate CDs, DVDs, computer programs and copied contraband galore are easily available south of the US border.

Many Juarez residents, ranging from low-ranking teachers to veteran medical professionals, have reported being the target of extortion threats and/or actual kidnappings in recent months. Short of use in a violent extortion, the information contained on the confiscated CD might be useful in preparing false documents and even voter identify cards, an especially valuable piece of fake identification as Mexico prepares for congressional elections in 2009.

The PGJE demanded the federal Office of the Attorney General (PGR) thoroughly investigate the compact disc taken from Leopoldo Sanchez and Rico Gonzalez, but unidentified sources within the PGR later told Ciudad Juarez media no obvious crime was linked to the simple existence of the
data base, though an investigation was in progress. Meantime, the Ciudad Juarez suspects face weapons and drug charges.

Sources: Lapolaka.com, February 4, 2009. El Diario de Juarez, February 4, 2009. Articles by Gabriela Minjares and editorial staff. La Jornada, Feburary 4, 2009. Article by Miroslava Breach
Velducea.

Border Land Battle Sizzles

Virtually forgotten amid the ongoing slaughter engulfing Ciudad Juarez, a long-running land battle involving members of one of Mexico’s most prominent families drags on with no immediate resolution. Located in a now-strategically important zone on the northwest edge of Ciudad Juarez,
the future of hundreds of acres is the object of contention between businessmen Pedro and Jorge Zaragoza and about two dozen families who call the dusty patch of land known as Granjas de Lomas de Poleo home.

The once-isolated collection of very modest homes and family ranches could one day become an important annex to the developing, binational border city of Santa Teresa-Jeronimo promoted by the Mexican government and state government of New Mexico.

Lawyers for the Zaragozas contend the land in Lomas de Poleo was legally purchased by the family decades ago, but residents- some of whom count decades residing on the disputed parcel- say they have the right to the property by virtue of a 1975 decree issued by Mexico’s federal Agrarian
Reform Ministry.

With papers in hand and accompanied by supporters from the Zapatista-inspired Other Campaign, Lomas de Poleo residents appeared in a Chihuahua City federal court January 8 to defend their case. The embattled Ciudad Juarez residents were represented by Barbara Zamora, a well-known
Mexico City human rights attorney.

No lawyer for the Zaragozas showed up in the Chihuahua City courtroom, and the legal battle continues. In subsequent comments to Ciudad Juarez’s El Diario newspaper, Zaragoza attorney Juan Manuel Alfaro said an earlier court ruling that resulted in an order for the Federal Electricity
Commission to remove electrical poles proved his clients had legal claim to the land.

While a war of words continues in the courts and in the press, Lomas de Poleo residents accuse Zaragoza henchmen of waging a low-intensity war designed to force people from their homes.

In a press statement released this week, Lomas de Poleo resisters charged the Zaragozas and collaboraters with being behind the destruction of dozens of homes and a church, the cutting off of electricty and the encirclement of the semi-rural neighborhood with fences, towers and armed
guards since 2003.

In the most recent incident that reportedly occurred on January 7,  a group of men destroyed the home of Salvador Aguero. A woman accompanying the agressors allegedly attacked Liliana Flores, who was attempting to defend Aguero’s home. Earlier, on New Year´s Eve, three men allegedly beat up 71-year-old Cruz Reza Saenz after entering the elderly man’s home.

Before leaving, the assailants then reportedly tied up Reza, stole the victim’s valuables and hurled threats.

Lomas de Poleo residents and their supporters also say Zaragoza representatives are pressuring people to abandon their homes in return for payments amounting to about $3700. Denying the charges, Zaragoza lawyer Alfaro maintains no one is being pressured. According to Alfaro, as many
as 60 families have accepted indemnification and an offer to relocate on a separate 26-acre piece of property owned by the Zaragozas.

In their most recent statement, Lomas de Poleo residents contended that powerful businessmen immersed in “false development” were attempting to turn the mesa-dwellers into “throwaway human beings.” In a challenge to prevailing notions of progress and development, the residents said their homesteads overlooking the Paso del Norte borderland were “viable economic projects that in last 30 years have allowed us to become perhaps the last promoters and defenders of the environment on the border.”

The statement urged Chihuahua Governor Jose Reyes Baeza and Ciudad Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz to guarantee the rule of law in Lomas de Poleo and Ciudad Juarez. Otherwise, the residents said, they will look for justice abroad if attacks against them do not stop.

In fact, support for the residents’ cause has been expressed by various indiviudals and organizations in Europe, Latin America and the United States in recent months. Last year, a group of residents’ supporters from Las Cruces, New Mexico, briefly discussed the land battle with New Mexico
Governor Bill Richardson, whose administration has been busy pushing the Santa Teresa-Jeronimo development not far from Lomas de Poleo.

The growing importance of this region of the border was demonstrated once again when Mexican President Felipe Calderon reportedly asked US President-elect Barack Obama during their recent meeting to help facilitate the relocation of commerical train traffic away from downtown Ciudad Juarez to Santa Teresa-Jeronimo.

Additional sources: El Diario de Juarez, January 14 and 15, 2009. Articles by Martin Orquiz and Gabriela Minjares.

Health Professionals Stage Work Stoppage

A brief work stoppage called by Ciudad Juarez health care professionals came to an end on Saturday, December 13. The one-day strike was not over wages or regular working conditions, but focused on the fears and frustrations of doctors and other professionals over their city’s rapidly deteriorating public safety situation.

As part of the action, hundreds of members of the medical profession, their faces covered with surgical masks, held a protest rally December 12, Virgin of Guadalupe Day, at the giant Mexican flag readily visible across the Rio Grande River in neighboring El Paso, Texas. Similar actions over similar issues also have been staged this year by health care providers in Tijuana, Baja California.

Fearing for their security, anonymous speakers denounced numerous kidnappings, extortions, robberies, and threats against health care professionals. According to one demonstrator, at least 12 doctors or family members have been kidnapped and extorted in 2008. In some cases, armed groups have reportedly showed up at private businesses to demand protection payments. Nearly two-dozen private health clinics and offices have reportedly closed because of the crime wave, and an undetermined number of professionals enticed to depart Ciudad Juarez.

Protestors demanded that Chihuahua state law enforcement authorities use laws on the books against criminals, establish more random police checkpoints on public streets, activate surveillance cameras at intersections (frequently the scenes of narco-executions), improve monitoring of police corruption, and ban tainted windows in vehicles. Some participants seconded a call by other members of Ciudad Juarez’s business establishment to protest vehicle registration fees and property and business taxes until the public safety situation improves.

“ I came to exercise my right to demonstrate because I am against impunity,” said a female physician.

The Ciudad Juarez demonstration attracted support from other sectors of the public. Demonstrators heard from friends and colleagues of Lidia Ramos Mancha, a 17-year-old Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez student who disappeared December 1 on her way to the school campus. Family members and friends fanned out across the city December 12 to hang posters of the missing young women in public places and seek any information of her whereabouts.

At the doctor-organized rally, an argument ensued over the participation of the left-leaning National Front against Repression. Identified with Senator Rosario Ibarra, a prominent supporter of opposition leader Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the Front is very critical of the Mexican army’s human rights record in anti-organized crime operations in Ciudad Juarez and elsewhere in Mexico. Murder and other crimes have soared since the introduction of military anti-drug units to Ciudad Juarez last spring.

In the most recent episode involving Mexican troops, a pregnant woman, Gabriela Arzate, was shot to death by soldiers at a military installation near Chihuahua City on December 11. The victim was a passenger in a truck that was reportedly fleeing assassins and could have been confused by soldiers for a hostile vehicle attempting to penetrate the army base; military authorities said they were investigating the slaying.

The Ciudad Juarez work stoppage drew the support of health care professionals from both the private and public sectors, including doctors, nurses, nutritionists, psychologists and others. Organizers said at least 30 telephone threats warning against participation in the action were tallied in the last hours before the protest. During the mass demonstration, several follow-up tasks agreed to by the Citizens and Physicians Committee against Public Insecurity in Ciudad Juarez were read to the crowd.

Meanwhile, the public safety crisis that sparked the doctors’ action in the first place kept getting deeper even as demonstrators gathered. On December 12, at least six people were reported dead from recent criminal acts. The victims included a four-year-old boy, Kevin Sanchez, who died from wounds suffered during an attack several days earlier that authorities said was directed against the young boy’s father. Nearly 1,500 people have been murdered in Ciudad Juarez this year so far, and at least 16 men and 16 women remain missing.

Sources: Norte, December 13, 2008. Articles by Salvador Castro, Nohemi Barraza and editorial staff. El Diario de Juarez, December 10 and 13, 2008. Articles by Ramon Chaparro, Pedro Sanchez Briones and editorial staff. La Jornada, December 13, 2008. Articles by Ruben Villalpando and editorial staff. Lapolaka.com, December 12, 2008.

Juarez Crime Reporter Murdered, Attacks against Press Intensify

El Diario de Juarez journalist Armando Rodriguez Carreon was well-known for countless stories about gangland killings in his hometown of Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua. For years, the 40-year-old police beat reporter tirelessly published pieces about the latest executions in a violence-torn city.

Rodriguez launched his journalistic career as a technician and photographer for the Ciudad Juarez Channel 44 television station before moving into print during the early 1990s.  His newspaper career closely paralleled the violent rise of the Juarez drug cartel and the women’s slayings that became known worldwide as femicides. Popularly known as “El Choco,” Rodriguez was among the first reporters to write about the discoveries of raped and slain women on the outskirts of Ciudad Juarez.    

Rodriguez’s stories, which relied a lot on police sources and often did not implicate any particular suspects, were characterized by an almost matter-of-fact quality that kept to the narrative even as violence kept escalating. On Thursday morning, November 13, Rodriguez became a victim himself when he was shot outside his home by a gunman who reportedly fled in a waiting car.

No possible motive for the homicide was publicly disclosed, but it was reported that Rodriguez received a text threat on his cell-phone earlier this year. His killing occurred one week to the day that a severed human head was discovered at a monument to journalists in Ciudad Juarez.

Local media, government officials and Mexican and international journalist organizations quickly condemned Rodriguez’s killing, which carried the trademark of organized crime. Numerous public commentaries about the murder were posted on news websites in Ciudad Juarez and neighboring El Paso, Texas. The Rodriguez slaying was covered on the November 13 prime-time newscast of the US-based Spanish language television network Univision, which reaches millions of viewers.

A Mexico City-based press freedom advocacy group, the Center for Journalism and Public Ethics (CEPET), said crimes against journalists like Rodriguez “represent attacks against society because they damage the right to be informed.” The non-governmental organization urged authorities to conduct “an exhaustive investigation, clarify the facts and punish those responsible so impunity does not feed other crimes.” 

Rodriguez’s murder topped a spectacularly violent week in Ciudad Juarez and the state capital of Chihuahua City four hours down the highway to the south. Incidents included the gunning down of victims in public thoroughfares during peak business hours, the firebombing of businesses and the dumping of murdered bodies with intimidating messages in public places.

The Rodriguez murder also came amid a new wave of threats and pressures against the Ciudad Juarez press. For instance, CEPET reported that the Ciudad Juarez daily El Mexicano  was the target of intimidation by individuals purporting to be agents of the Chihuahua state attorney general’s office last week.

According to CEPET, a state police officer identified as “Perez” and accompanied by other men in official vehicles strolled into the newspaper’s office November 4 and demanded to interrogate columnist Mario Hector Silva about sources the writer used in a story. When informed that Silva was not on the premises, the officers allegedly grew angry, threatened other employees and threw a photographer’s camera in the trash.

With the Rodriguez killing, at least 6 journalists have been murdered in Mexico this year so far. Other victims include Oaxaca radio announcers Teresa Bautista Merino and  Felicitas Martinez Sanchez,  Tabasco radio man Alejandro Zenon Fonseca Estrada, Michoacan newspaper director Miguel Villagomez Valle, and Chihuahua writer David Garcia Monroy.

An international observer mission spearheaded by the Committee to Protect Journalists, Article 19, Open Society Institute and other press advocacy organizations traveled to Mexico this year to investigate conditions confronting journalists. Despite legal reforms, the mission concluded that Mexican journalists are in dire circumstances due to violence, impunity and governmental indifference.

Most of the 2008 journalist murders, as well as earlier cases like the 2006 murder of US journalist Brad Will in Oaxaca, remain unsolved and unpunished. In a statement issued on November 11, Will’s family and lawyer took strong issue with the contention of the  Office of the Federal Attorney General (PGR) that the documentarian’s killers are in custody. Criticizing the arrests of anti-government activists for the murder, the Will family said the PGR ignored forensic evidence and eyewitness accounts that point to pro-government paramilitaries and public officials as the probable killers.

In its statement, the Will family called on Mexican and US civil society, as well as human rights, to “speak out about the impunity that is blocking this case from advancing and in defense of the rights to freedom of expression.”

Only hours after Armando Rodriguez was murdered, the PGR informed the Mexican media that the same special unit assigned to investigate the Will homicide was looking into the killing of the Ciudad Juarez journalist. 

Additional sources: El Diario de Juarez,   November 13, 2008. Newspapertree.com, November 13, 2008.   Article by Sito Negron. Frontenet.com, November 13, 2008. Article by Sergio Valdez. Univision, November 13, 2008. CEPET, November 6 and November 13, 2008. Press statements. Lapolaka.com, October 14, 2008 and November 13, 2008. El Universal, November 13, 2008.   Article by Maria de la Luz Gonzalez. La Jornada, October 11, 2008.  Article by Ernesto Martinez and La Jornada Michoacan. Cimacnoticias, August 14, 2008. Article by Lourdes Godinez Leal.

Uprising in Creel

Tourists traveling the picturesque Copper Canyon circuit in Mexico’s northern Chihuahua state got a far different look at the country this weekend from the one promoted in glossy brochures. Taking to the streets for more than three hours on September 13, hundreds of angry residents of Creel and neighboring communities prevented the Chihuahua-Pacific train from passing through Creel.

Protesting impunity in the murders of 13 people- including an infant-in Creel on August 16, demonstrators demanded the resignation of Chihuahua State Attorney General Patricia Gonzalez Rodriguez, Mayor Ernesto Estrada and other officials. Most of the murder victims reportedly belonged to the family of Eliseo Loya Ochoa, Creel’s sectional president.

Greeting train passengers was a large bilingual Spanish-English banner that welcomed visitors to a place where “justice is (sic) not exist.”

Protestors charged that the assassins were indentified and holed up in the town of Panalachi, but that state police were afraid to detain the culprits. One news report suggested the mass slayings which shattered the peace in the mountain town had to do with illegal horse racing, a favored pastime of drug traffickers.

There was no immediate comment from the Chihuahua state attorney generals’s office or Governor Jose Reyes Baeza Terrazas on the Creel uprising.  Mestizos as well as indigenous Raramuri participated in the mass action.

Edgar Peinado, a reporter for Ciudad Juarez’s Lapolaka Internet news service, was reportedly roughed up by Chihuahua members of the Cipol state police force during the protest.

Protests continued on Sunday, September 14, as demonstrators temporarily blockaded the highway into Creel before allowing traffic to resume. The citizen movement was expected to call a truce for Monday, September 15, but plans were in the works for another demonstration on September 16, Mexico’s day of national independence. Creel residents have announced they will parade through the streets with coffins to symbolize the lives cut short almost one month ago.

The conflict is the latest example of how Mexico’s public security crisis is now a political one.

Meanwhile, a new mass killing was registered in the Chihuahua mountains on September 11, when four passengers of a truck, including two teenage males and one teenage female, were shot to death in the municipality of Guazapares. Eighteen-year-old Armando Corona Maldonado, the son of a former National Action Party city council member from Cuauhtemoc, Marcela Maldonado Ochoa, was reported among the victims.

Sources: Lapolaka.com, September 13 and 14, 2008. El Heraldo de Chihuahua, September 14, 2008. Articles by Aurora Molina and editorial staff.  Norte, September 14, 2008. Article by Angel Zubia Garcia. Frontenet.com, September 13, 2008.

Activists Intensify Fight against Border Wall

US work crews might be busy constructing a new wall along the border with Mexico, but opponents are not giving up their fight to halt the Bush administration’s project. At a press conference held in El Paso late last week, activists from the US and Mexico unveiled plans for a long march against the wall set to kick-off in Fort Hancock, Texas, on Wednesday, August 27.  

Thirteen organizations and individuals from the US and Mexico are organizing the march, including the Border Agricultural Workers Center, Democratic Campesino Front of Chihuahua, Southwest Workers Union, Southwest Network for Environmental and Economic  Justice, Border Ambassadors, and others.

In a statement delivered by local human rights activist Blanca Torres, protest sponsors charged the barrier will divide a region and people that share a common history, language and culture as well as a similar socio-economic predicament. Construction of the wall, Torres charged, will only aggravate divisions arising from economic distress, environmental degradation, violence and intolerance.  

“As natives and residents of the border, we cannot allow this division to continue without acting to end it,” Torres affirmed. “We have a moral responsibility to oppose the construction of the wall.”

Supported by the US Congress, the Bush administration contends the wall is necessary to protect the US against terrorists, drug traffickers and immigrant smugglers. Opponents insist the wall will disrupt interdependent border communities, disturb wildlife habitats  and corridors, defile sacred Native American sites, and damage relationships with a neighboring country with which the US is at peace.

“Many people are worried about this wall in Mexico,” said Veronica Leya, Ciudad Juarez  representative  for the Mexico Solidarity Network. “Decisions that are taken here impact the Mexican side.”

After an August 27 evening event in Fort Hancock, anti-wall activists plan to embark on a four-day march through a series of small communities south of El Paso that are near the route of the planned wall. Javier Perez, a staff member of El Paso’s Border Agricultural Workers Center, said the march will make stops and hold community meetings in Tornillo, Fabens and other towns to dialogue with local residents about the wall.

As scheduled, the march will conclude Sunday, August 31, with a binational event convened for the border line between Sunland Park, New Mexico, and Anapra, Mexico. Organizers intend to hold a simultaneous action to symbolically connect people across a divided border.
 
Even though border wall construction is underway, Perez said opponents still bank on halting additional construction.

Dozens of organizations and individuals from the US, Mexico and Central America have endorsed next week’s march. Prominent names and groups lending their support include Chicano history scholar Dr. Rudy Acuna, El Paso County Attorney Jose Rodriguez, immigrant rights activist Maria Jimenez, the Colonias Development Council and the International Indian Treaty Council, among many others.

-Kent Paterson

Diesel Smuggling Network Alleged

In a series of articles this month, Ciudad Juarez’s Norte daily contended a large-scale, diesel smuggling network was thriving in the border region. According to reporter Antonio Rebolledo, at least five Mexican and three US companies are involved in the lucrative enterprise. Driving the business is global energy economics: diesel fuel costs about half the price in Mexico than in the US and could be sold for a respectable profit on this side of the border.

While a surge in the number of individual US drivers crossing the Mexican border to fill up their tanks was readily evident earlier this year, Norte was the first media outlet to thoroughly document what is now big business.

Wrote Rebolledo, “In less than three months, small-scale diesel contraband has been converted into an organized, mechanized network of trafficking and transporting Mexican diesel to the US."

Capping a lengthy investigation, Norte alleged that diesel is transferred from Mexico’s national Pemex oil company to trucks with large, modified fuel tanks and then driven across the border for distribution at five sites in neighboring El Paso, Texas. Reportedly, a video documenting one such operation has been posted on You Tube.

Frontera NorteSur received reports of similar diesel exporting operations in Baja California earlier this year. Most recently, Pemex official Arnulfo Trevino Ramos declared that as much as 5,000 gallons of diesel were detected as being sold in a single transaction during multiple times in Baja California this year. In Mexico’s southern border region, complaints have also surfaced of Mexican diesel diverted to Guatemala.

The trucks allegedly participating in the Ciudad Juarez diesel trafficking scheme belong to companies that service the local maquiladora export industry. Jorge Arturo Sandoval, spokesman for one of the five Mexican companies allegedly involved, OTI, denied his firm was involved in smuggling.

Rebolledo, however, contended that OTI’s fleet alone could be responsible for exporting more than 35,000 gallons of Pemex fuel to the US every week. Sources cited by Norte said they had been aware of the business for at least two months. According to the newspaper, truck drivers could be making multiple trips across the border every day, using different ports of entry in order to not raise suspicions of customs inspectors. With Pemex diesel purportedly fetching profits between 59 cents and 94 cents per gallon in the US, Rebolledo calculated that each truck could rake in $13,801 each month.

Since an estimated 4,000 trucks cross the Ciudad Juarez-El Paso corridor daily, ample opportunities exist for shipping large amounts of diesel and making money.

Under Mexican and US laws, the business is not specifically illegal.

In a phone interview with Frontera NorteSur before the Norte series was published, US Customs and Border Protection spokesman Rick Lopez said companies and individuals involved in commercial diesel and gasoline exporting must submit the appropriate paperwork and comply with all applicable state and federal laws, including environmental regulations. Lopez said US customs officials in El Paso had encountered several instances in which individuals were found with 100-gallon fuel containers and then ordered to pay duties.

In Ciudad Juarez, federal and local authorities have announced that drivers who carry excessive amounts of fuel in containers outside their vehicles’ tanks will be sanctioned. On August 14, Ciudad Juarez’s department of ecology and civil protection kicked off inspections of several businesses allegedly tied to diesel exporting rings.

Norte’s reports, however, indicate the diesel traffickers are evading US taxes and possibly violating environmental laws by transferring fuel at makeshift sites in El Paso.

For background, Norte noted two recent court cases in Texas and New Mexico in which several individuals were charged with failing to declare taxes on US diesel shipments made from 1998 to 2004. US federal and state authorities are reportedly looking into Norte’s recent stories.

The sensitivity of the issue was demonstrated August 4 when several Norte reporters were allegedly pursued by unidentified individuals in a high-speed chase through the streets of El Paso after observing a suspected fuel transfer at the Westex Warehouse Inc. property in the Texas border city’s Lower Valley. The reporters’ car was nearly rammed in the pursuit, Norte charged.

In recent months, cross-border diesel diversions have been widely blamed for causing fuel shortages and sowing economic havoc, especially in the states of Baja California and Chihuahua. Farmers in the Juarez Valley have complained of a lack of fuel for their machinery, while maquildora plants have suffered possible multi-million dollar losses stemming from transport delays.

“We’ve detected trucks with full double tanks that cross over to El Paso and discharge their diesel while they are being delivered a second shipment of cargo,” said Walter Centeno Lopez, customs director for the Ciudad Juarez-based Maquiladora Association. “For this reason, (trucks) are delayed as they market the fuel.”

On the other hand, cheaper diesel has encouraged a price-bidding war between border transportation companies in the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez area, with some outfits lowering their daily rates from $80 or $70 to $50 or $60.

In a larger sense, Pemex diesel diversions are politically embarrassing for the Mexican government at a moment when a controversial reform of the state-owned company is under consideration by the Mexican Congress.

Claiming declining oil reserves, the administration of President Felipe Calderon is urging lawmakers to approve measures that will ease the way for private sector participation in drilling for deep-water oil in the Gulf of Mexico. Undoubtedly, much of the new oil would end up consumed in the United States.

Currently, Mexico is the fourth largest supplier of crude oil to the United States, supplying 205.2 million barrels valued at approximately $18.4 billion during the first six months of 2008.

Some find the entire notion of diesel smuggling absurd. Since the Mexican government guarantees a “preferential price” for diesel and gasoline, shipping diesel fuel to the US represents in effect a foreign subsidy for the US trucking industry. Moreover, Mexico actually imports in the neighborhood of 40 percent of its gasoline and more than 14 percent of its diesel, according to federal Energy Secretary Georgina Kessel.

“We sell cheap, buy expensive, sell cheap again, and the damage to the country is very high,” said Tirso Martinez, outgoing president of the National Chamber of Freight Transportation.

“The authorities have to do something to stop the sale of fuel that is benefiting foreigners as in the cases of Guatemala and the United States,” Martinez said, “because they are taking away a product that costs the country a lot at a lower price than they sell to us. This is ridiculous.”

Jesus Felipe Gonzalez, another official of Martinez’s organization, recently proposed that the Mexican government decree a lower fuel price for its citizens and a higher one for foreigners.

Chihuahua state representative Gerardo Fierro said Norte’s series was “all the evidence” needed to raise the diesel trafficking issue in both the Chihuahua state legislature and the Mexican Congress. Fierro pledged to introduce a resolution soon in the Chihuahua legisaltive body that will demand Pemex disclose its wholesale dealings with diesel distributors.

“It is not just for the Mexican people to subsidize diesel for the big rich people of the country and now the US,” he said.

Apart from any stronger governmental controls in both Mexico and the US, it remains to be seen if the cross-border diesel trade will remain profitable in the days and weeks ahead. Currently, fuel prices are dipping on the US side while going up slightly on the Mexican side.

Sources: Norte, August 10, 11,12, 13, 14, 15, 2008. Articles by Antonio Rebolledo and Herika Martinez Prado. La Jornada, August 14, 2008. Article by Miriam Posada Garcia. El Diario de Juarez/EFE, August 13, 2008. Frontera, August 12, 2008. Lapolaka.com, August 5, 2008. Frontenet.com, August 3, 2008.

Felipe Calderon and the Super-Maquiladora

For a few hours on July 22, Mexican President Felipe Calderon toured turbulent Ciudad Juarez. Declaring that his government was “putting the house in order,” Calderon touched ground in a place that is far from orderly these days. In recent days, and with half the year barely over, gangland-style executions that even continued during the president’s visit pushed the 2008 homicide toll to nearly 600 murders. Immediately preceding Calderon’s trip, another shake-up in federal law enforcement occurred in Ciudad Juarez. Rolando Alvarado, Chihuahua delegate for the Office of the Federal Attorney General, was replaced by Hector Garcia, who previously held the post in the early part of the decade.  
 
This week, tractors in the Juarez Valley and some city buses have remained idle as mass farmers and mass transit operators blame a fuel shortage on the purported black market siphoning of Pemex diesel fuel to the United States. In the southeastern section of the city, meanwhile, hundreds of families are trying to patch back their lives after July 13 flooding devastated several neighborhoods.  

President Calderon, however, emphasized what he considered upbeat economic news.  On his visit, the Mexican president inaugurated a new Electrolux appliance plant and a Flextronics factory.
 
According to Calderon, international economic developments favor Mexico in general and Ciudad Juarez in particular.

“Our strategic geographic position allows us to bring inputs from the east, give them added value, manufacture them in Mexico and export them to the west coast or east coast or center of the United States or to Europe,” Calderon said. “Mexico can be and is called on being the economic link between the European Union, the American one and Asian markets, not to mention the emerging markets of Latin America.”

Calderon went on to laud Ciudad Juarez, calling it a “strategic point that has the enormous advantage of being able to produce at very competitive prices and at the same time have the biggest client of the world practically at its door-step.” 

Soaring fuel expenses and rising labor costs in places like China are encouraging a shift of the global assembly line back to Mexico, which lost some production to the Far East in recent years.

Separately, Jabil Circuit and Sanmina SCI have announced they will rely more on Mexican production. Last week, ground was broken for a massive Foxconn plant on the outskirts of Ciudad Juarez that will employ anywhere from 9,000 to 40,000 workers, depending on the source.

Owned by Taiwan-based Hon Hai Precision, the electronics company produces components for Dell, Hewlett-Packard, Apple and other industry giants.   

In a Ciudad Juarez speech, Calderon stressed Mexico’s growing importance in the global electronics industry. He noted, for example, how Mexico’s electronics exports reached $62 billion in 2007.  Electronics now constitute a 27 percent share of the country’s  manufactured export product sector.

As was expected, Calderon was accompanied by Chihuahua Governor Jose Reyes Baeza and Ciudad Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz.

Praising Electrolux’s workers, Governor Reyes called Ciudad Juarez a city of “opportunities” and “generosity” that is going through trying times. Despite the all the problems, Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua are experiencing economic expansion, he added, citing Electrolux, Foxconn and other companies.  

Representatives of local non-governmental organizations were far less enthusiastic about
the presidential visit. Several leaders cited the ongoing narco-violence, military presence, decaying urban infrastructure and overall economic situation as reasons not to celebrate.

Cipirana Jurado, director of the Worker Research and Solidarity Center, said 2006 presidential candidate Calderon vowed to punish the killers of women and curb femicides in Ciudad Juarez.

“He made promises to the community when he was a candidate for the presidency and one of those was to address the femicides, but nothing has happened” Jurado said. The former maquiladora worker, who was arrested by federal police earlier this year and then released on charges related to a 2005 demonstration, added that Calderon’s special federal prosecutor, Guadalupe Morfin, has yet to visit Ciudad Juarez in her new capacity.

Formerly the head of President Fox’s femicide commission in Ciudad Juarez, Morfin was appointed as federal prosecutor for crimes against women and human trafficking last winter.

Calderon did not publicly mention the femicides in any of his Ciudad Juarez presentations. 

Urging Calderon to broaden his agenda, Jurado contended the president is leaving ordinary citizens out in the cold. “As president of the Mexicans, Calderon should act as such, not only as the president of businessmen.”

The Mexican president commented briefly on the broader security issue, noting the deployment of 4,000 soldiers and federal police in Ciudad Juarez to counter organized crime. However, he avoided other thorny issues .There was no mention of the Bush administration’s border wall, for instance, or of the growing imprisonment and deportation of undocumented Mexican immigrants in the United States.

Calderon also failed to mention the mothballed Asarco smelter across the river in El Paso, a hot environmental issue in Ciudad Juarez.

Critics of the president expressed their opposition during Calderon’s stop-over. Blocked by an estimated 200 police transported on maquiladora industry buses, a small group of demonstrators slammed the military presence in Ciudad Juarez and blasted the president for promoting the privatization of Pemex.  Supported by the center-left Democratic Party of the Revolution and allied groups, anti-privatization forces will conduct a non-binding citizen referendum on the Calderon administration’s proposal to reform Pemex beginning July 27.

Local reporters charged they were forcibly excluded by the presidential guard from adequately covering Calderon, who was accompanied by privileged “chilango” journalists from Mexico City, according to one account. The Mexican president did not offer a news conference during his Ciudad Juarez day-trip.  

Sources: Lapolaka.com, July 21 and 22, 2008. El Diario de Juarez, July 21 and 22, 2008. Articles by Sandra Rodriguez, Javier Arroyo and the Reforma news agency. El Paso Times, July 22, 2008. Article by Diana Washington Valdez. Norte, July 21, 22 and 23, 2008. Articles by Felix A. Gonzalez and editorial staff. Presidencia.gob.mx, July 22, 2008. Press releases. El Universal/Notimex, July 22, 2008.

Chihuahua’s Highway of Doom?

Chihuahua state authorities say it could take up to a month to officially identify the victims of a fiery truck-bus crash that claimed 14 lives north of Chihuahua City early on the morning of June 29.  The collision happened when a tractor trailer slammed into a bus that was pulled alongside the Pan American Highway. 

Belonging to the Omnibus de la Comarca Lagunera line, the Ciudad Juarez-destined bus had stopped to help another bus from the same company that was stranded with a flat tire. Suddenly, a tractor-trailer transporting tons of glass rammed into the Good Samaritan bus, spreading diesel fuel that caught fire and engulfed trapped passengers in flames.  
“I was taking off the tire and I felt a strong hit and fell over,” said Alonso Maciel, who was attempting to help the driver. Conflicting reports emerged about the ability of passengers to escape an instant death-trap. One news story reported that passengers were able to leave through emergency exits, but another piece contended that exits did not function.

“The emergency exit latches were rusted over and never opened,” said survivor Fernando Cardona Torres.

In addition to the 14 dead, most of whom were burned beyond recognition, 46 people were reported injured, 9 of them seriously. Among the dead was the driver of the truck. The two buses were carrying 86 people at the time of the accident, and the death toll  would likely have been higher if many people had not left the buses to walk around while the flat was being repaired.
A report from the Federal Police placed blame equally on the bus operators and the truck driver for the tragic collision. According to the initial investigation, the bus drivers had not parked their vehicles entirely off the highway while the truck driver was supposedly driving recklessly.

Sadly, the June 29 tragedy was but the latest in a series of fatal bus accidents that have haunted the stretch of the Pan American Highway between Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua City in recent years. On April 14, 2007, another early morning bus-truck collision killed 25 people and injured 21 others. Similar to this year’s accident, a 15-ton tractor trailer rear-ended a bus, spilling diesel fuel that rapidly ignited and burned victims to death. An April 2006 bus accident outside Ciudad Juarez killed 9 people and injured 21 others. In late 2004, a so-called "pirate" bus, or one that did not have official authorization, crashed on the highway outside Ciudad Juarez, resulting in the deaths of 12 passengers.

As in the wake of previous tragedies, questions were immediately raised about bus company practices as well as the government’s record of enforcing transportation and safety laws. The company involved in the June 29 accident, Omnibus de la Comarca Lagunera, is among numerous outfits that offer low-cost bus fares from Ciudad Juarez to various cities in the Mexican interior. Most of the economy bus lines are licensed as tourist enterprises, which raises questions about their constant inter-city runs.  Break-downs and flat tires often accompany the long-distance journeys between the border and interior destinations.

Mexican law permits the companies to operate buses as old as 15 years, but some media reports allege vehicles manufactured as far back as 1970 are being used.

Situated in downtown Ciudad Juarez and other departure points in the border city, the low-fare bus lines are popular with maquiladora workers and others who find that the bigger national companies which operate from the city’s main bus terminal are too expensive.

Under current law, inter-city bus lines that use national highways mainly come under the regulatory authority of the federal Secretariat of Communications and Transportation and the Federal Police, Chihuahua state government spokespersons said. Still, state and federal authorities plan to carry out joint inspections and reviews of the operation of bus companies, said Sergio Granados Pineda, Chihuahua state government secretary.

“It’s not a matter of seeing who is responsible for this thing or that, but cooperating to make sure that the service being offered is good,” Granados said.

Rodrigo Macias, Ciudad Juarez manager for Omnibus de la Comarca Lagunera, rejected the suggestion that his company was a “pirate” line. The bus line has proper documentation, issues tickets and counts on an insurance policy, Macias said. The company will pay all necessary costs accrued by victims’ relatives and survivors, he added.

As public schools dismiss for summer vacation, bus travel is expected to increase significantly in the coming days.

Father Ignacio Villanueva, parish priest for Ciudad Juarez’s downtown cathedral, lamented the June 29 tragedy, and urged the government to crack down on bus companies that jeopardize lives.

The people already know the risks they run when using these kinds of buses, Father  Villanueva said,  “but they continue using them to save a few pesos in spite of the risks.”

Sources: Norte June 30, 2008; July 1 and 2, 2008. Articles by Angel Zubia Garcia, Ricardo Espinoza and Felix A. Gonzalez. La Jornada, July 1, 2008. Article by M.Breach and Ruben Villalpando. El Diario de Juarez, June 29, 2008. Article by David Alvidrez and Orlando Chavez. Lapolaka.com, June 29 and 30, 2008.

Mexican Army Human Rights Abuses Charged  

Nearly three months after the Mexican army kicked off Operation Chihuahua Together against drug trafficking organizations in Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua, multiple accusations of human rights violations committed by soldiers are surfacing in the press .

A hot point of contention is in the Juarez Valley just outside the border city of the same name. Long the stomping ground of drug traffickers and other criminal bands, the rural area bordering the Rio Grande has been the target of repeated army raids in recent weeks.
While the operations have netted arrests and drug loads, some residents charge the army is going overboard and harassing innocent citizens. On June 14, valley residents staged protests outside the offices of the Federal Attorney General (PGR) and in the downtown plaza in Ciudad Juarez.

Josefina Reyes, a resident of the town of Guadalupe Bravo, charged that soldiers recently raided her home and destroyed property before making off with a cell phone and other goods. “On that day, there were around 25 more searches in which they made off with various people,” Reyes said.

As of mid-June,  50 legal complaints against the army had been filed with the PGR’s Ciudad Juarez office. The complaints accuse the army of committing abuses of authority, carrying  out illegal detentions, forcibly disappearing citizens, conducting improper searches, and  inflicting bodily injuries and damages.

In one of the worst incidents, three men were shot to death by soldiers June 8 at an army checkpoint near Cuahtemoc in the central part of Chihuahua. The full story of the incident is still not thoroughly known, and it isn’t certain whether the killings were the result of an intentional attempt by the victims to run the roadblock or due to an accident related to possible drunken driving and/or the failing brakes of the victims’ car. Reportedly, the soldiers began shooting after the suspect vehicle struck and severely injured a soldier.

A reporter on the scene, El Diario’s Hugo Reyes, was forced to lie on the ground by soldiers. A member of the Chihuahua State Congress’ human rights commission,  legislator Victor Quintana, showed up at the site of the incident but said he was denied access by the military.

Meanwhile, Chihuahua’s official State Human Rights Commission (CEDH) received 28 complaints about the army in May and an additional 32, mainly from the border town of Ojinaga, during the first 11 days of June.  Jose Luis Armendariz Gonzalez, CEDH president, said complaints have also come from the municipalities of Chihuahua, Manuel Benavides, Madera, Guachochi, Delicias, Cuahtemoc, Namiquipa, Bachiniva, and Casas Grandes.  According to Armendariz,  human rights cases involving the army are turned over to the National Human Rights Commission in Mexico City for further action.

CEDH investigator Gustavo de la Rosa Hickerson contended that human rights violations  shared a “dangerous pattern.” Many of the purported victims, he said, were small-time drug dealers and addicts who were beaten and tortured. According to the official, detainees have been allegedly subjected to electric shocks, simulated suffocations with plastic bags and razor cuts at army installations. De la Rosa compared the reports with the rampages of the 1970s Dirty War, a period of time when torture and disappearance were widely employed by the Mexican government against dissidents and suspected guerrillas.

There was no immediate comment from the Mexican military on either the PGR or CEDH complaints.  At the state level, elected officials have begun showing some concern about the army’s alleged abuses. Earlier this month, the Chihuahua State Congress exhorted the Defense Ministry to punish any soldier involved in abuses. State Congress President Jorge Alberto Gutierrez Casas later urged military officials to come clean about the Cuahtemoc checkpoint shooting.

“We are going to demand from the legislative branch that human rights not be violated in a struggle that is focused on organized crime, because what happened at the checkpoint doesn’t justify the response of the army members.” Gutierrez said. “The army is one of the institutions which has more prestige and credibility in the eyes of the citizenry, and because of this we must not permit isolated situations to end up discrediting the confidence that society has in them.”

Ciudad Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz struck a similar tone about the army’s reputation. 
Insisting that no abuses had occurred during the last weeks since the municipal police began participating in joint operations, Mayor Reyes said the army as a whole should not be held responsible for a few bad apples. “Like any other big force that exists in Ciudad Juarez, there will always be abuses,” the mayor said, “but abuses by individuals, by persons, and not by the army, by the institution.”

Reports of human rights complaints in Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua come at an especially sensitive time for both the federal Mexican and US governments. The Mexican army is expected to be the primary beneficiary of the Bush Administration’s proposed anti-drug assistance package to Mexico known as the Merida Initiative. A version of the billion dollar-plus aid plan passed the US House of Representatives last week, but it is still waiting action in the US Senate where lawmakers have attached human rights and justice system reform conditions.

Both the Bush and Calderon administrations have criticized conditioning the Merida assistance as an affront to Mexico’s national sovereignty. On June 16, President Bush appealed to US lawmakers to approve Merida “without many conditions.”

Human rights advocates in Mexico and abroad have long contended that the use of the Mexican military in the drug war is a violation of the nation’s Constitution which precludes the army from acting domestically in times of peace.  Pressured by the escalating narco-violence, many Mexican lawmakers, business and civic leaders have agreed that the army is the only force capable of taking on the highly-organized and well-armed private armies of the various drug syndicates.

Officially launched to bring organized crime under control, Operation Chihuahua Together has had decidedly mixed results even by its own objectives. Mexican soldiers and federal police have detained scores of suspects, confiscated some weapons and seized several large drug loads, but none of the leaders of the warring cartels have been arrested so far. 

Perhaps most importantly, the deployment has not halted the violence.  Indeed, an analysis of homicide rates in Ciudad Juarez before and after the beginning of
the military operation reveals that the violence has actually worsened since the army deployed in late March. According to press accounts, 210 people were murdered from January 1 to March 31. From April 1- only a few days after the army operation began- to June 16, a reported 276 people were murdered.

In a startling declaration, Mayor Reyes told the El Paso Times that local authorities knew that a major, violent confro